Mirza Ilahi Baksh (Who played a role in 1857 uprising) with Mughal Family of Delhi During Mughal Emperor Humayun II 1858-1877

Date
October 5, 1861

Belongs To
Mirza Ilahi Baksh

Held At
National Galleries

Era
Humayun II 1858-1877
MARC-06102021-002
DESCRIPTION
Mirza Elahi Baksh (Who played a role in the 1857 uprising) & His Five Sons
1862 - Muhammad Hidayat Afza, Elahi Bakhsh Bahadur. b. at Delhi, 1809, second son of Mirza Muhammad Shuja’at Afza Bahadur [Mirza Bhubhu or Bhutchoo], Educ. privately. Materially assisted the British forces during the Great Uprising of 1857.
He attempted to save the lives of Christians as well as provided intelligence on the activities of the rebels who had cut the bridge of boats across the Jumna. He also brought about the peaceful surrender of the Emperor of Hindustan.
The British for his services have granted him a pension of Rs. 22, 830 p.a. for these and other services.
Received a jagir (Property) in 1861 together with the revenue of several villages in Delhi and Meerut districts.
Recognized by the British as the Chief Representative of the Royal House in Delhi, 1858. The British have awarded him with the Prince of Wales’s Silver Medal (1876) and KIH silver medal (1877). He d. at Delhi, 21st March 1878. (It is believed in the family circle that he have committed suicide)
Image Description:
The family of Mirza's (1862) Later Mirza Elahi Baksh (Mirza Hidayat Afza) with his two sons older and one younger.
(1) L: Mirza Sulaiman Jah (seated in chair) profile
(2) R: Mirza Surayya Jah (standing, right hand on the shoulder of his father)
(3) Mirza Iqbal Shah (seated on the ground) on the right side of his father.
The other two boys are
(4) (i) Mirza Mohammed Sultan Bahadur Jah
(5) (ii) Mirza Sultan Ahmad Bahadur Jah.
Other children of Mirza Elahi Bakhsh are not in the Image but are the part of the family tree made by Mirza Timuri in 1930;
Other sons appear in the Family Tree
(6) Mirza Afrasiab Jah Bahadur. (Past away young or not part of inheritance)
(7) Mirza Murad Bakht Bahadur Jah. (Past away young or not part of inheritance)
(8) Mirza Mohammed Sultan Bahadur Jah. (Past away young or not part of inheritance)
(9) Mirza Sultan Ahmad Bahadur Jah. (Past away young or not part of inheritance)
(10) Mirza Mahmud Bahadur Jah. (Past away young or not part of inheritance)
Daughters:
(1) Nawab
(2) Nawab Said uz-Zamani Begum Sahiba). Wife of H.H Shahzada Mirza Farkhuna Jamal Bahadur, second son of H.R.H Mirza Fateh-Al-Mulk Bahadur.
(3) Mussumat Jennie Begum Sahiba. (Past away young or not part of inheritance).
(4) Mussumat Hussn Begum Sahiba. (Past away young or not part of inheritance).
(5) Mussumat Salem Al-Nisa Begum Sahiba. (Past away young or not part of inheritance).
(6) Nawab Said uz-Zamani Begum Sahiba (d/o Manjli Begum). m. Shahzada Mirza Farkhunda Jamal Bahadur (b. at Delhi, 1854; d. after 1916), second son of H.R.H. Shahzada Mirza Muhammad Sultan Ghulam Fakhr ud-din, Fath ul-Mulk Shah Bahadur, Wali Ahad Bahadur, by his wife, Nawab Shah uz- Zamani Begum Sahiba. She d.s.p. at Delhi, 9th August 1922.
(7) Nawab Sarwar Sultan Begum Sahiba [Nawab Hatim uz-Zamani Begum Sahiba]. b. 1837 (d/o Abadi Begum). m. (first) H.R.H. Shahzada Mirza Muhammad Sultan Ghulam Fakhr ud-din, Fath ul-Mulk Shah Bahadur, Wali Ahad Bahadur (b. at the Red Fort, Delhi, 1816; d. from cholera, at the Red Fort, Delhi, 10th July 1856), son of H.M. Abu’l-Muzaffar Siraj ud-din Muhammad Bahadur Shah II Padshah Ghazi, King of Delhi, by his wife, Rahim Bakhsh Bai. m. (second) after 1856, Mirza Mahmud Sultan Bahadur. She d. at Delhi, 1875, having had issue, one daughter, by her first husband.
(8) Nawab Munir uz-Zamani Begum Sahiba [Mah Siti Begum]. b. 1839 (d/o Husaini Begum). m. at the Red Fort, Shajahanabad, Delhi, 1851, Colonel Shahzada Mirza Muhammad ‘Abu Bakar, Bakhtawar Shah Bahadur (b. at the Red Fort, Shajahanabad, Delhi, 1837; k. (executed) at Delhi, 13th October 1857), son of H.M. Muhammad ‘Abu-Zafar Siraj ud-din ‘Abdu’l-Muzaffar Bahadur Shah II Padshah-i-Ghazi, Emperor of India, by Rajun, a Khawas. She d. at Delhi, August 1920, having had issue, one son.
Connection of Elahi Baksh with Royal Mughal House:
(A) H.H Shahzada Mirza Mohammed Hidayat Afza, Elahi Bakhsh Bahadur, Son of;
(B) Mirza Muhammad Shuja'at Afza Bahadur [Mirza Bahtchu], Son of;
(C) H.H Shahzada Mirza Mohammed 'Ali Shah, Izzat Afshar Bahadur (Mirza Bhubbu) and H.R.H Nawab Umdat uz-Zamani Begum Sahiba {(Manjhli Begum), Khair un-nisa Begum Sahiba, eldest daughter of H.M. 'Alamghir’s, Emperor of Hindustan, Son of
(D) H.H Shahzada Mohammed Humayon Bakht Bahadur, a Prince in Rank of 8,000 infantry and 3,000 Cavalry, Son of;
(E) H.R.H the Murshid Zada, Afaq-e- Shazadah Sultan Azhar ud-din Mohammed 'Azim Mirza, 'Azim us-Shan Bahadur, (Governor of Bengal), a prince in a rank of 30,000 Infantry and 20,000 cavalries, Son of;
(F) H.M. Abu'Al-Nasir Sayed Qutub ud-din 'Abdu'l-Muzafar Mohammed Mu'azzam Shah, Mu'azzam Shah– Better Known as Bahadur Shah, Badshah Ghazi, ruled 1707 – 1712 as the Emperor of Hindustan.
Why does Elahi Baksh have special access to the Royal Court even he is not part of the Royal household of Emperor Bahadur Shah in 1857?
After the invasion of Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali interference in Hindustan affairs. The Mughal Royal family struggled to maintain the dynasty. However, the various powerful ministers played a role in the Mughal Emperor's successions.
In 1759, H.M. Abu’al-’Adil 'Aziz ud-din Mohammed 'Alamgir II, Emperor of Hindustan was Murdered on the order of Ghazi ud-din Khan, the Prime Minister, Nawab Umdat Uz-Zamani the eldest daughter of the deceased Emperor and the sister of than the Crown Prince (later Emperor) Shahzada Mirza 'Abdu'llah, 'Ali Gowhar, Shah Alam Bahadur, has played a strong role in keeping the image and respect of the royal house and put on the Throne Mirza Jawan Bakht (Jahandar Shah II) son of her brother, issued all orders and Royal decrees till the arrival of her brother and taking up the Throne 16th October 1760.
In reward of Her great role in holding the rule, Emperor Shah Alam II had granted many gifts and estates in various places to his sister, among them the estates in Kirana, Aswda, Sanmpla, Chawla close to Delhi and a Garden near Chandni Chowk, and taken care of all of her requirements and needs, After H.M Emperor Akbar II, the benefits of these estates and with there agreement handed over these properties in exchange of 5000 Rs yearly pension which was attested by the H.M Emperor Bahadur Shah II, and was given to the supervision of the British resident in Delhi 1842.
The main beneficiaries of Umdat Uz-Zamani Begum were the children of her born two sons, Mirza Shujjat Afza and Mirza Karamat Afza; Mirza Ellahi Bakhsh the second among the four sons of the Mirza Shujjat Afza was beneficiary of this payment as well.
The new Emperors had also treated the Children and the grandchildren of Nawab Umdat Uz-Zamani kindly and the inter-marriage was among the highest between their children.
Among others, the notable marriages of the children of H.R.H Nawab Umdat Uz-Zamani;
Mirza Mohammed Shuja'at Afshar Bahadur (Mirza Bahtchu) to H.R.H Shahzadi Nawab Aaliyt un-nisa Begum Sahiba, daughter of H.M. Emperor Shah Alam II. His son Mirza Mohammad Khuda Bakhsh Bahadur [Taleh Munir] married his cousin, H.H Nawab Laskari Begum Sahiba, née Ashraf un-nisa Begum Sahiba, daughter of H.R.H Shahzada Mirza Mohammed Suleiman Shikoh Bahadur son of H.M Emperor Shah Alam II.
Mirza Mohammad Karimat Afshar Bahadur (Mirza Mukhu) to H.R.H Shahzadi Nawab Sa'adat un-nisa Begum Sahiba another daughter of H.M. Emperor Shah Alam II.
Nawab Mukarram un-nisa Begum Sahiba, H.R.H a daughter of Umdat Uz-Zamani Begum married H.R.H Shahzada Mirza Muhammad Sikander Shikoh Bahadur son of H.M. Emperor Shah Alam who was residing in Lucknow.
From the above, we can understand the special place Mirza Elahi Bakhsh was holding and after the death of the second Crown Prince, Mirza Elahi Bakhsh was involved in negations of confirming the new crown prince due to the strong relations that he developed with the British resident in Delhi. His role in the 1857 uprising can be best quoted from the most detailed books written during that time called;
KAYE'S AND MALLESON'S HISTORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY OF 1857-8 Edited by COLONEL MALLESON, C.S.I.IN SIX VOLUMES VOL. page 53. LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 1911,
Unfortunately, most writer Hindustani earlier writers have not questioned or even try to understand the circumstances surrounding this event but told the British story in their books. “ MIRZA ELAHI BAKHSH'S INFLUENCE. It is probable that in the early days of the mutiny the counsels of Elahi Bakhsh had been strongly in favor of vigorous action. But he had a keen eye for probabilities. The events of the 14th and 15th September had read to him no doubtful lesson. He foresaw the triumph of the English — a triumph fraught with ruin to himself and his family unless he could turn to account the few days that must still intervene. He did turn them to account.
Having made all his plans, he listened, without speaking, to the eloquent pleading made to the King by the commander-in-chief (Not Commander in Chief), Bakht Khan. When all was over, and when Bakht Khan had his purpose departed with a promise from the King that he would meet him the following day at the tomb of Humayon, Elahi Bakhsh persuaded the Mughal sovereign to accompany him to his house for the night. Having brought him there, he molded him to his purpose. He pointed out to him the hardships which would follow his accompanying the army, assured him of its certain defeat, and then, showing the other side of the shield, indicated that a prompt severance of his cause from the cause of the Sipahis would induce the victorious English to believe that, up to that moment, he had acted under compulsion, and that he had seized the first opportunity to sever himself from traitors. These arguments urged with great force upon one whose brainpower, never very strong, was waning, had their effect. Then, the next day, the King of Delhi, his Zenana, his sons, and his nobles, met the rebel commander-in-chief at the tomb of Humayon, he and they declined to refuse to accompany him. Rather than undergo the fatigues the perils, the uncertainties attendant on the prolongation of a contest, which they had encouraged, they deliberately preferred to trust to the tender mercies of the conqueror. What those tender mercies were likely to do not seem to trouble much the degenerate Mughal. They promised, at all events, a quick decision — a decision preferable to the agony of suspense. Bakht Khan and the rebel army then went their way, leaving behind the royal family and a numerous crowd of emasculated followers, the scum of the palace, men born never to rise above the calling of a flatterer or a scullion. So far had the plans of Elahi Bakhsh Mirza succeeded? The next step was more difficult. It involved the betrayal of his master. Difficult, the task was not insurmountable. Chief of the native agents maintained by the English to obtain correct information regarding the movements of the enemy during the siege, was Munshi Rajab Ali, a man possessing wonderful tact, cleverness, assurance, courage — all the qualities which go to make up a spy of the highest order.
He possessed to the full the confidence of the English administrators, and he was true to his employers. With this man, Elahi Bakhsh opened communications. Rajab Ali requested him simply to detain the royal family for twenty- four hours after the departure of the rebel army, at the tomb of Humayon, and to leave the rest to him. Rajab Ali communicated the information he had received to Hudson of Hudson’s Horse; Hudson at once rode down to the General's headquarters, communicated the news, and requested permission to take with him a party of his men to bring in the King. I have evidence before me, which it is impossible to doubt that General Wilson was inclined to treat the King of Delhi as a man who had placed himself outside the law. His instincts were in favor of awarding to him condign punishment. It was, then, with the greatest difficulty that those about him persuaded him to add to the consent he gave to Hudson’s request the condition that the King, should he surrender, must be brought in alive. Hudson, taking fifty of his troopers with him, galloped down toward the tomb full of excitement. Having taken every precaution, he then sent to announce to the King his arrival, and to invite him to surrender.
Within the tomb, despair was combated with resignation. The favorite wife of the last of the Moguls, anxious above all for the safety of her son, a lad within the lot old enough to be implicated in the revolt, and tomb of Humayon. Yet not too young to escape the massacre, was imploring the old man to yield on the condition of a promise of life; the mind of the old man, agitated by a dim recollection of the position he had inherited and forfeited, by the despair of the present, by doubts of the future, was still wavering. Why had not he acted as Akbar would have acted, and accompanied the troops to die, if he must die, as a king? What to him were the few years of dishonor which the haughty conqueror might vouchsafe to him? Better life in the free plains of India, hunted though he might be, than life in for him, a king! But then rushed in the fatal conviction that it was too late. He had decided when he dismissed Bakht Khan! The Frank and his myrmidons were at his door! Yet still, the difficulty with him was to act on that decision. His mind was in a chaotic condition when everything was possible but action. For two hours, then, renders on he hesitated, clutching at every vague idea only to condition reject it; his wife, his all urging upon him one and the same counsel. At last, consent was wrong from him to send a message to Hudson that he would surrender provided he should receive from that officer an assurance that his life should be spared. On receiving this message Hudson gave the promise. Then, Four days later Hudson wrote in his journal: " I would much rather have brought him (the King) into Delhi dead than living." He is the same journal that recorded his acquittal of the King of active participation in the revolt. Hearing, some four months later, that his sparing of the King's life had been construed into personal leniency on his part, he wrote: " I see that many people suppose that I had promised the old King his life after he was caught. The King asked if his captor were Hudson Bahadur. Receiving an affirmative reply, the King asked for a promise from the Englishman's own lips of his life and of the lives of his wife and her son (his all sons). The promise was given, the arms were surrendered, and the procession moved towards the city. The progress was slow, and for a great part of the journey the palanquins were followed by a considerable number of the King’s retinue — men never dangerous, and now thoroughly cowed. These gradually dropped off as the Lahore gate was approached. By that gate, Hudson entered, traversed, and makes brought the King over to Chandni Chook, and the king had expressed a desire to see Archdale Wilson. But Sir Archdale refused to see him, and deputed his Aide-de-camp, Lieutenant Turnbull, to see him placed under a European guard in the Begum’s palace. “
Artist:
Charles Shepherd is the main photographer for this image in 1861 between Charles and Arthur Robertson before he joined in 1862. Date created: About 1862 Materials: Albumen print Measurements: 18.60 x 22.50 cm Object Type: Photograph Credit line: Gift of Mrs. Riddell in memory of Peter Fletcher Riddell, 1985 Accession number: PGP R 1707 Gallery: Scottish National Portrait Gallery (Print Room)
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