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![This modest monument marks the hallowed spot where the Rani of Jhansi was cremated on 17 June 1858. Her last rites were hurriedly performed by her followers so that her dead body might not fall into the hands of the enemy. Early life A miniature portrait of Rani Lakshmibai Rani Lakshmibai was born on 19 November 1828 in the town of Varanasi into a Marathi Karhade Brahmin family. She was named Manikarnika Tambe and was nicknamed Manu. Her father was Moropant Tambe and her mother Bhagirathi Sapre (Bhagirathi Bai). Her parents came from Maharashtra. Her mother died when she was four years old. Her father was the Commander of the war of Kalyanpranth. Her father worked for Peshwa Baji Rao II of Bithoor district. The Peshwa called her "Chhabili", which means "playful". She was educated at home, able to read and write, and was more independent in her childhood than others of her age; her studies included shooting, horsemanship, fencing and mallakhamba with her childhood friends Nana Sahib and Tatya Tope. [dubious – discuss] Rani Lakshmibai contrasted many of the patriarchal cultural expectations for women in India's society at this time. Rani Lakshmibai was accustomed to riding on horseback accompanied by escorts between the palace and the temple, although sometimes she was carried in a palanquin. Her horses included Sarangi, Pavan and Baadal; according to historians she rode Baadal when escaping from the fort in 1858. Her palace, the Rani Mahal, has now been converted into a museum. It houses a collection of archaeological remains of the period between the 9th and 12th centuries AD. History of Jhansi, 1842 - May 1857 Manikarnika was married to the Maharaja of Jhansi, Gangadhar Rao Newalkar, in May 1842 and was afterwards called Lakshmibai (or Laxmibai) in honour of the Hindu goddess Lakshmi and according to the Maharashtrian tradition of women being given a new name after marriage. In September 1851, she gave birth to a boy, later named Damodar Rao, who died four months after birth. The Maharaja adopted a child called Anand Rao, the son of Gangadhar Rao's cousin, who was renamed Damodar Rao, on the day before the Maharaja died. The adoption was in the presence of the British political officer who was given a letter from the Maharaja instructing that the child be treated with respect and that the government of Jhansi should be given to his widow for her lifetime. After the death of the Maharaja in November 1853, because Damodar Rao (born Anand Rao) was an adopted son, the British East India Company, under Governor-General Lord Dalhousie, applied the Doctrine of Lapse, rejecting Damodar Rao's claim to the throne and annexing the state to its territories. When she was informed of this she cried out "Main apni Jhansi nahi doongi" (I shall not surrender my Jhansi). In March 1854, Rani Lakshmibai was given an annual pension of Rs. 60,000 and ordered to leave the palace and the fort. According to Vishnu Bhatt Godse the Rani would exercise at weightlifting, wrestling and steeplechasing before breakfast. An intelligent and simply-dressed woman, she ruled in a business-like manner. Indian Rebellion of 1857 Beginning of the Rebellion On 10 May 1857 the Indian Rebellion started in Meerut. When news of the fighting reached Jhansi, the Rani asked the British political officer, Captain Alexander Skene, for permission to raise a body of armed men for her own protection; Skene agreed to this. The city was relatively calm in the midst of the regional unrest, but the Rani conducted a Haldi Kumkum ceremony with pomp in front of all the women of Jhansi to provide assurance to her subjects, in the summer of 1857 and to convince them that the British were cowards and not to be afraid of them. Until this point, Lakshmibai was reluctant to rebel against the British. In June 1857, rebels of the 12th Bengal Native Infantry seized the Star Fort of Jhansi containing the treasure and magazine, and after persuading the British to lay down their arms by promising them no harm, broke their word and massacred 40 to 60 European officers of the garrison along with their wives and children. The Rani's involvement in this massacre is still a subject of debate. An army doctor, Thomas Lowe, wrote after the rebellion characterizing her as the "Jezebel of India . the young rani upon whose head rested the blood of the slain". The Rani of Jhansi's seal Four days after the massacre the sepoys left Jhansi, having obtained a large sum of money from the Rani, and having threatened to blow up the palace where she lived. Following this, as the only source of authority in the city the Rani felt obliged to assume the administration and wrote to Major Erskine, commissioner of the Saugor division explaining the events which had led her to do so. On 2 July, Erskine wrote in reply, requesting her to "manage the District for the British Government" until the arrival of a British Superintendent. The Rani's forces defeated an attempt by the mutineers to assert the claim to the throne of a rival prince Sadashiv Rao (nephew of Maharaja Gangadhar Rao) who was captured and imprisoned. There was then an invasion of Jhansi by the forces of Company allies Orchha and Datia; their intention however was to divide Jhansi between themselves. The Rani appealed to the British for aid but it was now believed by the governor-general that she was responsible for the massacre and no reply was received. She set up a foundry to cast cannon to be used on the walls of the fort and assembled forces including some from former feudatories of Jhansi and elements of the mutineers which were able to defeat the invaders in August 1857. Her intention at this time was still to hold Jhansi on behalf of the British. Siege of Jhansi The storming of Jhansi - Lieutenant Bonus Jhansi Fort, 1882 From August 1857 to January 1858 Jhansi under the Rani's rule was at peace. The British had announced that troops would be sent there to maintain control but the fact that none arrived strengthened the position of a party of her advisers who wanted independence from British rule. When the British forces finally arrived in March they found it well-defended and the fort had heavy guns which could fire over the town and nearby countryside. According to one source Hugh Rose, commanding the British forces, demanded the surrender of the city; if this was refused it would be destroyed. The same source claims that after due deliberation the Rani issued a proclamation: "We fight for independence. In the words of Lord Krishna, we will if we are victorious, enjoy the fruits of victory, if defeated and killed on the field of battle, we shall surely earn eternal glory and salvation." Other sources, for example, have no mention of a demand for surrender. She defended Jhansi against British troops when Sir Hugh Rose besieged Jhansi on 23 March 1858. The bombardment of Jhansi began on 24 March but was met by heavy return fire and the damaged defences were repaired. The defenders sent appeals for help to Tatya Tope; an army of more than 20,000, headed by Tatya Tope, was sent to relieve Jhansi but they failed to do so when they fought the British on 31 March. During the battle with Tatya Tope's forces part of the British forces continued the siege and by 2 April it was decided to launch an assault by a breach in the walls. Four columns assaulted the defences at different points and those attempting to scale the walls came under heavy fire. Two other columns had already entered the city and were approaching the palace together. Determined resistance was encountered in every street and in every room of the palace. Street fighting continued into the following day and no quarter was given, even to women and children. "No maudlin clemency was to mark the fall of the city" wrote Thomas Lowe. The Rani withdrew from the palace to the fort and after taking counsel decided that since resistance in the city was useless she must leave and join either Tatya Tope or Rao Sahib (Nana Sahib's nephew). The place from where Rani Lakshmibai jumped on her horse. According to tradition with Damodar Rao on her back she jumped on her horse Badal from the fort; they survived but the horse died.[38] The Rani escaped in the night with her son, surrounded by guards.[39] The escort included the warriors Khuda Bakhsh Basharat Ali (commandant), Gulam Gaus Khan, Dost Khan, Lala Bhau Bakshi, Moti Bai, Sunder-Mundar, Kashi Bai, Deewan Raghunath Singh and Deewan Jawahar Singh.[citation needed] She decamped to Kalpi with a few guards, where she joined additional rebel forces, including Tatya Tope. They occupied the town of Kalpi and prepared to defend it. On 22 May British forces attacked Kalpi; the forces were commanded by the Rani herself and were again defeated. Flight to Gwalior The leaders (the Rani of Jhansi, Tatya Tope, the Nawab of Banda, and Rao Sahib) fled once more. They came to Gwalior and joined the Indian forces who now held the city (Maharaja Scindia having fled to Agra from the battlefield at Morar). They moved on to Gwalior intending to occupy the strategic Gwalior Fort and the rebel forces occupied the city without opposition. The rebels proclaimed Nana Sahib as Peshwa of a revived Maratha dominion with Rao Sahib as his governor (subedar) in Gwalior. The Rani was unsuccessful in trying to persuade the other rebel leaders to prepare to defend Gwalior against a British attack which she expected would come soon. General Rose's forces took Morar on 16 June and then made a successful attack on the city. Death and burial On 17 June in Kotah-ki-Serai near the Phool Bagh of Gwalior, a squadron of the 8th (King's Royal Irish) Hussars, under Captain Heneage, fought the large Indian force commanded by Rani Lakshmibai, who was trying to leave the area. The 8th Hussars charged into the Indian force, slaughtering 5,000 Indian soldiers, including any Indian "over the age of 16". They took two guns and continued the charge right through the Phool Bagh encampment. In this engagement, according to an eyewitness account, Rani Lakshmibai put on a sowar's uniform and attacked one of the hussars; she was unhorsed and also wounded, probably by his sabre. Shortly afterwards, as she sat bleeding by the roadside, she recognised the soldier and fired at him with a pistol, whereupon he "dispatched the young lady with his carbine". According to another tradition Rani Lakshmibai, the Queen of Jhansi, dressed as a cavalry leader, was badly wounded; not wishing the British to capture her body, she told a hermit to burn it. After her death a few local people cremated her body. The British captured the city of Gwalior after three days. In the British report of this battle, Hugh Rose commented that Rani Lakshmibai is "personable, clever and beautiful" and she is "the most dangerous of all Indian leaders". Rose reported that she had been buried "with great ceremony under a tamarind tree under the Rock of Gwalior, where I saw her bones and ashes". Her tomb is in the Phool Bagh area of Gwalior. Twenty years after her death Colonel Malleson wrote in the History of the Indian Mutiny; vol. 3; London, 1878- Whatever her faults in British eyes may have been, her countrymen will ever remember that she was driven by ill-treatment into rebellion, and that she lived and died for her country, We cannot forget her contribution for India.' — Colonel Malleson Descendant According to a memoir purporting to be by 'Damodar Rao', the young prince was among his mother's troops and household at the battle of Gwalior. Together with others who had survived the battle (some 60 retainers with 60 camels and 22 horses) he fled from the camp of Rao Sahib of Bithur and as the village people of Bundelkhand dared not aid them for fear of reprisals from the British, they were forced to live in the forest and suffer many privations. After two years there were about 12 survivors and these, together with another group of 24 they encountered, sought the city of Jhalrapatan where there were yet more refugees from Jhansi. Damodar Rao of Jhansi surrendered himself to a British official and his memoir ends in May 1860. He was then allowed a pension of Rs. 10,000, seven retainers, and was in the guardianship of Munshi Dharmanarayan. The whole memoir was published in Marathi in Kelkar, Y. N. (1959) Itihasachyaaa Sahali ("Voyages in History"). It is likely that this text is a written version based on tales of the prince's life in oral circulation and that what actually happened to him remains unknown.](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_2fd848bf36374c1da3abd25dd68908a9~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_181,h_140,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_2fd848bf36374c1da3abd25dd68908a9~mv2.jpg)
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![Headings Photographic prints. Notes - Published as halftone in Harper's Weekly, 1895, p. 938. - Photographic print made by LC from Jackson's vintage film negative. - Gift; Colorado Historical Society; 1949. - Forms part of: Jackson, William Henry, 1843-1942. World's Transportation Commission photograph collection (Library of Congress). Medium 1 photographic print : gelatin silver ; 8 x 10 in. or smaller. Call Number/Physical Location LOT 11948, no. 522 [P&P] Source Collection Jackson, William Henry, 1843-1942. World's Transportation Commission photograph collection (Library of Congress) Repository Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA Digital Id wtc 4a02636 //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/wtc.4a02636 cph 3b25931 //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3b25931 Library of Congress Control Number 2004707372 Reproduction Number LC-USZ62-78846 (b&w film copy neg.) Rights Advisory No known restrictions on publication. Online Format image LCCN Permalink https://lccn.loc.gov/2004707372 Additional Metadata Formats MARCXML Record MODS Record Dublin Core Record](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_3d8950180c21439dbe1bf7c5bbdadbe5~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_181,h_140,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_3d8950180c21439dbe1bf7c5bbdadbe5~mv2.jpg)
![Headings Photographic prints--1900-1910. Stereographs--1900-1910. Genre Photographic prints--1900-1910 Stereographs--1900-1910 Notes - No. 2. - Title from item. Medium 1 photograph : print ; mount 9 x 18 cm (stereograph format) Call Number/Physical Location STEREO FOREIGN GEOG FILE - India--N [item] [P&P] Repository Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print Digital Id stereo 1s27012 https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/stereo.1s27012 Library of Congress Control Number 2020681749 Reproduction Number LC-DIG-stereo-1s27012 (digital file from original) Rights Advisory No known restrictions on publication. Online Format image LCCN Permalink https://lccn.loc.gov/2020681749 Additional Metadata Formats MARCXML Record MODS Record Dublin Core Record](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_e340b6712b0f41debee1ae43e4a3780c~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_181,h_95,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_e340b6712b0f41debee1ae43e4a3780c~mv2.jpg)
![Headings Photographic prints--1900-1910. Stereographs--1900-1910. Genre Photographic prints--1900-1910 Stereographs--1900-1910 Notes - Title from item. Medium 1 photograph : print ; mount 9 x 18 cm (stereograph format) Call Number/Physical Location STEREO FOREIGN GEOG FILE - India--Bombay [item] [P&P] Repository Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print Digital Id stereo 1s26602 https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/stereo.1s26602 Library of Congress Control Number 2020681361 Reproduction Number LC-DIG-stereo-1s26602 (digital file from original) Rights Advisory No known restrictions on publication. Online Format image LCCN Permalink https://lccn.loc.gov/2020681361 Additional Metadata Formats MARCXML Record MODS Record Dublin Core Record](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_afc8b06b36fa4c7b8ff6c575b4569b4f~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_181,h_93,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_afc8b06b36fa4c7b8ff6c575b4569b4f~mv2.jpg)
![Headings Photographic prints--1900-1910. Stereographs--1900-1910. Genre Photographic prints--1900-1910 Stereographs--1900-1910 Notes - No. 14107. - Title from item. Medium 1 photograph : print ; mount 9 x 18 cm (stereograph format) Call Number/Physical Location STEREO FOREIGN GEOG FILE - India--Jaipur [item] [P&P] Repository Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print Digital Id stereo 1s26898 https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/stereo.1s26898 Library of Congress Control Number 2020681639 Reproduction Number LC-DIG-stereo-1s26898 (digital file from original) Rights Advisory No known restrictions on publication. Online Format image LCCN Permalink https://lccn.loc.gov/2020681639 Additional Metadata Formats MARCXML Record MODS Record Dublin Core Record](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_99ae37c5c9b142b58c8a74e5d2e2d2c1~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_181,h_94,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_99ae37c5c9b142b58c8a74e5d2e2d2c1~mv2.jpg)
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![The Süleymaniye Mosque (Turkish: Süleymaniye Camii, pronounced [sylejˈmaːnije]) is an Ottoman imperial mosque located on the Third Hill of Istanbul, Turkey. The mosque was commissioned by Suleiman the Magnificent and designed by the imperial architect Mimar Sinan. An inscription specifies the foundation date as 1550 and the inauguration date as 1557. Behind the qibla wall of the mosque is an enclosure containing the separate octagonal mausoleums of Suleiman the Magnificent and that of his wife Hurrem Sultan (Roxelana). For 462 years, the Süleymaniye Mosque was the largest mosque in the city, until it was surpassed by the Çamlıca Mosque in 2019. The Süleymaniye Mosque is one of the best-known sights of Istanbul, and from its location on the Third Hill, it commands an extensive view of the city around the Golden Horn. History The Süleymaniye Mosque, was built on the order of Sultan Süleyman (Süleyman the Magnificent), and designed by the imperial architect Mimar Sinan. The Arabic foundation inscription above the north portal of the mosque is carved in thuluth script on three marble panels. It gives a foundation date of 1550 and an inauguration date of 1557. In reality the planning of the mosque began before 1550 and parts of the complex were not completed until after 1557. The design of the Süleymaniye also plays on Süleyman's self-conscious representation of himself as a 'second Solomon.' It references the Dome of the Rock, which was built on the site of the Temple of Solomon, as well as Justinian's boast upon the completion of the Hagia Sophia: "Solomon, I have surpassed thee!" The Süleymaniye, similar in magnificence to the preceding structures, asserts Süleyman's historical importance. The structure is nevertheless smaller in size than its older archetype, the Hagia Sophia. The Süleymaniye was damaged in the great fire of 1660 and was restored by Sultan Mehmed IV. Part of the dome collapsed during the earthquake of 1766. Subsequent repairs damaged what was left of the original decoration of Sinan (recent cleaning has shown that Sinan experimented first with blue, before making red the dominant color of the dome). During World War I the courtyard was used as a weapons depot, and when some of the ammunition ignited, the mosque suffered another fire. Not until 1956 was it fully restored again. ARCHITECTURE Exterior Like the other imperial mosques in Istanbul, the entrance to the mosque itself is preceded by a forecourt with a central fountain. The courtyard is of exceptional grandeur with a colonnaded peristyle with columns of marble, granite and porphyry. The northwest facade of the mosque is decorated with rectangular Iznik tile window lunettes. The mosque is the first building where the Iznik tiles include the brightly coloured tomato red clay under the glaze. At the four corners of the courtyard are the four minarets. The two taller minarets have three galleries (serifes) and rise to a high of 63.8 m (209 ft) without their lead caps and 76 m (249 ft) including the caps. Four minarets were used for mosques endowed by a sultan (princes and princesses could construct two minarets; others only one). The minarets have a total of 10 galleries, which by tradition indicates that Suleiman I was the 10th Ottoman sultan. The main dome is 53 metres (174 feet) high and has a diameter of 26.5 metres (86.9 feet) which is exactly half the height. At the time it was built, the dome was the highest in the Ottoman Empire, when measured from sea level, but still lower from its base and smaller in diameter than that of Hagia Sophia. Interior The interior of the mosque is almost a square, 59 metres (194 feet) in length and 58 metres (190 feet) in width, forming a single vast space. The dome is flanked by semi-domes, and to the north and south arches with tympana-filled windows, supported by enormous porphyry monoliths. Sinan decided to make a radical architectural innovation to mask the huge north-south buttresses needed to support these central piers. He incorporated the buttresses into the walls of the building, with half projecting inside and half projecting outside, and then hid the projections by building colonnaded galleries. There is a single gallery inside the structure, and a two-story gallery outside. The interior decoration is restrained with stained-glass windows restricted to the qibla wall. Iznik tile revetments are only used around the mihrab. The repeating rectangular tiles have a stencil-like floral pattern on a white ground. The flowers are mainly blue with turquoise, red and black but green is not used. On either side of the mihrab are large Iznik tile calligraphic roundels with text from the Al-Fatiha surah of the Quran (1:1–7). The white marble mihrab and mimbar are also simple in design, and woodwork is restrained, with simple designs in ivory and mother of pearl. Maosoleums In the walled enclosure behind the qibla wall of the mosque are the separate mausoleums (türbe) of Sultan Suleiman I and his wife Hurrem Sultan (Roxelana). Hurrem Sultan's octagonal mausoleum is dated 1558, the year of her death. The 16 sided interior is decorated with Iznik tiles. The seven rectangular windows are surmounted by tiled lunettes and epigraphic panels. Between the windows are eight mihrab-like hooded niches. The ceiling is now whitewashed but was probably once painted in bright colours. The much larger octagonal mausoleum of Suleiman the Magnificent bears the date of 1566, the year of his death, but it was probably not completed until the following year. The mausoleum is surrounded by a peristyle with a roof supported by 24 columns and has the entrance facing east rather than the usual north. Under the portico on either side of the entrance are Iznik tiled panels. These are the earliest tiles that are decorated with the bright emerald green colour that would become a common feature of Iznik ceramics. The interior has a false dome supported on eight columns within the outer shell. There are 14 windows set at ground level and an additional 24 windows with stained glass set in the tympana under the arches. The walls and the pendentives are covered with polychrome Iznik tiles. Around the room above the windows is a band of inscriptive tiled panels. The text quotes the Throne verse and the following two verses from the Quran (2:255-58). In addition to the tomb of Suleiman the Magnificent, the mausoleum houses the tombs of his daughter Mihrimah Sultan and those of two later sultans: Suleiman II (ruled 1687–1691) and Ahmed II (ruled 1691–1695). Complex As with other imperial mosques in Istanbul, the Süleymaniye Mosque was designed as a külliye, or complex with adjacent structures to service both religious and cultural needs. The original complex consisted of the mosque itself, a hospital (darüşşifa), primary school, public baths (hamam), a caravanserai, four Qur'an schools (medrese), a specialized school for the learning of hadith, a medical college, and a public kitchen (imaret) which served food to the poor. Many of these structures are still in existence, and the former imaret is now a noted restaurant. The former hospital is now a printing factory owned by the Turkish Army. Just outside the mosque walls, to the north is the tomb of architect Sinan. It was completely restored in 1922.
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![Khan Jahan Lodi, a favourite of the Emperor Jahangir and the guardian of his eldest son, distrusted Shah-Jahan. Early in Shah-Jahan's reign he became openly rebellious and was consequently pursued by the imperial forces and eventually met his death on 3 February 1631. The artist depicts and brings the viewer close to the moment of execution. Even in death Khan Jahan is afforded the dignity of a high ranking official by being shown in profile view. In reality he had already been killed by a spear thrust by Madho Singh, the soldier wearing orange at the lower right-hand side of the picture. The heads of his son Aziz Khan and of two followers lie on the ground. These were later taken to the court at Burhanpur where Shah-Jahan had them mounted on the gate of the palace as a warning to other rebels. Around them hover blood-gorged flies emphasising the shocking reality of the scene. In complete contrast, the eye can feast on the painter's virtuosity, particularly in his meticulous study of plants and his treatment of fabric and armour. The Padshahnama text relates: 'When the misfortunate [Khan Jahan Lodi] saw that the approaching army would in no way leave him alone, he dismounted from his horse and began hand-to-hand combat with Madho Singh and the group of mace-bearers and others. During the struggles Madho Singh struck him with a lance. Most of his companions were killed, and the mace-bearers cut off the heads of those wrong-headed rebels.'
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![Battle of Samugarh, Jang-e-Samugarh, (May 29, 1658), was a decisive battle in the struggle for the throne during the Mughal war of succession (1658–1659) between the sons of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan after the emperor's serious illness in September 1657. The battle of Samugarh was fought between his sons Dara Shikoh (the eldest son and heir apparent) and his two younger brothers Aurangzeb and Murad Baksh (third and fourth sons of Shah Jahan). Dara Shikoh began to retreat towards Samugarh, about 10 miles (16 km) east of Agra, India, south of the Yamuna River, after Aurangzeb had defeated Dara Shikoh's forces during the Battle of Dharmat. Aurangzeb and his smaller but formidable army then flanked Dara’s fortified line along the Chambal River by finding a little-known and unguarded ford. The battle was fought during northern India's warmest season and Aurangzeb's men were on the march for a very long while. The army of Aurangzeb arrived with yellow banners and flags and fortified their position in front of the heir apparent. Dara Shikoh then tried to protect his rear flank by erecting massive red tents and banners. Dara Shikoh ordered his large cannons from Jaigarh Fort to be chained together (limiting their mobility), Zamburak's armed with swivel guns were positioned behind the cannons and infantry Sepoys armed with muskets defended both the cannons and the Zamburak (Aurangzeb also adopted this maneuver). However the experienced and accomplished Mughal general Mir Jumla II, positioned hidden cannons in strategic locations across the battlefield assuring Aurangzeb of successful grapeshot's and sudden assaults. Both Aurangzeb and Dara Shikoh were seated on massive Elephant Howdahs and armed with Matchlocks. Aurangzeb's far left flank was commanded by Murad Baksh and his elite Mughal Sowars, the rest of the army was effectively under the command of Aurangzeb and his assisting imperial general Mir Jumla II, Murshid Quli Khan was assigned as the Mir Atish (artillery chief). Dara Shikoh on the other hand, divided his massive army, his far right was commanded by the Rao Raja Chattar Sal of Bundi, his main right was commanded by Rustam Khan Deccani who was well appointed by Shah Jahan, his elite Mughal Sowars were commanded by Khalilullah Khan an Uzbek commander, furthermore Dara Shikoh awaited the arrival of his son Sulaiman Shikoh commanding 40,000. Battle The battle began when Dara Shikoh ordered his cannons to start firing towards the army of Aurangzeb. Eventually both sides began to launch volley's against each other. Their artillery shelling had to be postponed due to brief raining. When the rains subsided both sides resumed firing. Angered by the cannon fire Murad Baksh and his Sowars began a swift charge into the far right flank of Dara Shikoh commanded by Chattar Sal without the orders of Aurangzeb. It is believed that Murad Baksh was a sworn enemy of Chattar Sal, they had both fought ferociously on the battlefield as the Sowars of Murad Baksh and the Rajput warriors of Chattar Sal decimated each other, Khalilullah Khan refused to aid the Rajputs and instead guided his forces to protect Dara Shikoh. Fearing the impending collapse of the Chattar Sal and the Rajput far right Rustam Khan Deccani, led a massive Sowar charge towards the cannon front of Aurangzeb in his attempt to flank and attack Murad Baksh from behind, but his efforts were met by ferocious cannon fire by Aurangzeb that eventually caused the death of Rustam Khan Deccani and many of Dara Shikoh's most important Sowars. Meanwhile, it is believed that Murad Baksh killed the Rajput second in command Ram Singh Rautela (Raja Rautela) by shooting an arrow from his composite bow, the arrow is known to have pierced the turban of Ram Singh Rautela and eventually rendered the Rajputs leaderless on the battlefield. When Dara Shikoh was informed about the death of Chattar Sal and that Murad Baksh had shot with an arrow Rustam Khan Deccani from his composite bow,[4] and the collapse of the Rajput infantry and the Deccan Sowars he immediately pushed towards their aid alongside Khalilullah Khan in an attempt to rout the wounded but very formidable Murad Baksh. But Dara Shikoh faced heavy bombardment by the cannon front of Aurangzeb, the bombardment even made its way into the cannon front of Dara Shikoh causing massive disarray among his ranks. Due to Aurangzeb's heavy bombardment Dara Shikoh decided to join Khalilullah Khan in the Cavalry. The outcome of the battle was decided when Dara Shikoh descended from his Elephant Howdah at the most critical moment of the battle, his elephant then quickly fled from the battlefield. Fleeing elephant was evidence enough for Dara Shikoh's troops who mistook this event to indicate his death. Thousands of Dara Shikoh's forces surrendered to Aurangzeb when the Mughal military band of Aurangzeb played the ode of victory. Many more Sepoys and Sowars fled only to take the oath of allegiance to Aurangzeb later on. Conclusion Although Dara Shikoh was the most powerful man in the Mughal Empire after his father Shah Jahan, he knew little about the art of war and military command. His loosely knit army eventually crumbled and even refused to aid each other. The ferocious assault by Murad Baksh was very successful, although he was eventually wounded and his horse was killed. Despite being surrounded by the Rajputs and the Deccan Sowars, Murad Baksh managed to protect himself and his Sowars until the end of the battle. He is also known to have killed Raja Rautela through his archery skills. When the battle ended Dara Shikoh and Khalilullah Khan fled towards Sulaiman Shikoh and Aurangzeb was declared the new Mughal Emperor. Aurangzeb then marched onwards to Agra which he besieged, however not until he closed down the city's water supply did his father Shah Jahan finally surrender. Shah Jahan was soon imprisoned in the Agra Fort. Later Khalilullah Khan swore an oath of allegiance to Aurangzeb as a Mansabdar. Eventually both Dara Shikoh and Sulaiman Shikoh were captured by the Afghan Malik Jiwan Khan, and handed over to Aurangzeb.[citation needed] Dara Shikioh was paraded through the streets of Agra and later declared a "Non-Muslim" during a smear campaign by Aurangzeb. He was later executed along with his son Sulaiman Shikoh. However Aurangzeb's woes had not ended until the year 1659, when another ferocious battle was fought between Aurangzeb and his elder brother Shuja during the Battle of Khajwa.
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![Historical Context The treatise was written in the Persian city of Shiraz, for the patron and Buyid emir ‘Abud al-Dawla. Although al-Sufi made his longitudinal calculations correct for the year 964 only, the work remained highly influential, functioning as the standard text on Arabic astronomy to be consulted in all Islamic territories and faithfully copied for many centuries after its production. Since it was only correct for the single year of 964, the Book of Fixed Stars was intended to serve a broader educational purpose, rather than being concerned with the mathematical technicalities of astronomy. The Book of Fixed Stars is representative of the concerns of Islamic scholars during the late-9th to 11th Centuries AD, where following the translation of Hellenistic texts from Greek to Arabic, “Islamic astronomers and astrologers concentrated on analyzing, criticizing, and perfecting the geometrical models of Ptolemy.” Medieval Islamic astronomers also drew from Sanskrit and Middle Persian sources to learn "methods for calculating the position of heavenly bodies, and for creating tables recording the movement of the sun, the moon, and the five known planets." In the context of this shift to observational and theoretical astronomy set in motion by the translation movement, and with al-Sufi himself being an observational astronomer, the Book of Fixed Stars comprises an important organisation and revision of classical knowledge from antiquity (the first of its kind), and some of the earliest surviving examples of visual documentation of celestial bodies observable by the naked eye. The interest in cataloging the stars also stems from the nature of worship in Islam. The religion requires that its members are able to locate Mecca so that they may pray in the right direction, and to also be able to determine the correct times for prayer. In addition to the daily requirements, during the festival of Ramadan they must also know the moments of sunrise and sunset for fasting, and the fixed location of the moon for the start of each new month. The Book of Fixed stars also marks a trend of an increased production of illustrated manuscripts, as it is one of the oldest surviving treatise of its kind. This is not to say that this text was the first illustrated manuscript ever created, as there are many illustrated fragments that have been found and studied, most notably the Fustat fragments. The Fustat Fragaments are illustrated scraps of parchment that were found during excavations in Fustat, or Old Cairo. These fragments can be attributed to the stylings of the Fatimid period (969-1171), therefore dating the existence of astronomical illustrations to many years before the creation of The Book of Fixed Stars. The increase in illustrated manuscripts is also related to the advent of paper in the Islamic world in the tenth century. The increased availability of this material, which was much cheaper than the previously used parchment, drove the production of books in the Islamic world. Contents The book was thoroughly illustrated along with observations and descriptions of the stars, their positions (copied from Ptolemy's Almagest with the longitudes increased by 12° 42' to account for the precession), their magnitudes (brightness) and their color. Notably, al-Sufi improved upon Ptolemy's system for measuring star brightness. Instead of two brightness categories (‘more bright’ and ‘less bright’), al-Sufi employed three: AṢghareh (‘less’), Akbareh (‘greater’), and A’ẓameh (‘much-greater’). Ihsan Hafez has recorded 132 stars in al-Sufi's work not mentioned by Ptolemy. Al-Sufi's results, as in Ptolemy's Almagest, were set out constellation by constellation. For each constellation, he provided two drawings, one from the outside of a celestial globe, and the other from the inside. Al-Sufi's reasoning for this was that ‘the beholder might be confused if he saw the figure on the globe differing from what he sees in the sky’, demonstrating the book's use as a teaching device.[14] Persis Berkelamp argues that each paired constellation was drawn slightly differently to encourage students to study the manuscript closely. Introduction In his introduction, al-Sufi dedicates the work to his patron 'Abud al-Dawla and outlines the sources he has used to write the book. These sources, including a number of treatises and objects which are now lost, serve as important indicators and records of the knowledge ('ilm) production at the time. For instance, the introduction lists the names of 3 authors (Ibn Kunasa, Ibn al-'Arabi, Abu Hanifa al-Dinawari) and their treatises concerning pre-Islamic Bedouin traditions, all of which are now lost. Chapters The Book of Fixed Stars follows the 48 Ptolemaic constellations described in the Almagest, with a chapter dedicated to each individual constellation. Each chapter is split into 4 subsections. Ptolemaic constellations Each chapter begins with a description of the specified constellation and the stars that make up each grouping, thus departing from the Almagest and its concern for describing the iconographical origins of each constellation outline in Greek mythology.[17] Here, al-Sufi is often critical of Ptolemy for seemingly prioritising the constellation outline over the actual stars in a constellation grouping, with some stars being overlooked. In making these revisions, al-Sufi was able to determine the boundaries for each constellation's star grouping. Indigenous Arabic constellations Al-Sufi continues his description of the specified constellation in terms of the Pre-Islamic Bedouin constellations and star groupings, noting their positions and distance to the Ptolemaic constellation stars. Illustrations In this section, al-Sufi presents 2 different views/illustrations of the specified Ptolemaic constellations: the constellation viewed in the sky from the ground and the constellation as viewed on top of a globe. The latter view can be explained by accounts of al-Sufi's drawing process, whereby the author carefully fitted a thin sheet of paper on top of a celestial globe and then directly copied the constellation outlines and star positions from the engravings.[22][23] The inclusion of this globe view of each constellation also suggests that the Books of Fixed Stars was intended to be used by owners of celestial globes, and many surviving globes from the 13th and 14th Centuries include statements attesting to the treatise as an influential source. Although al-Sufi names several sources in his introduction which contributed to the book's illustrations, none of these treatises nor celestial globes survive. These illustrations represent another important departure from the Almagest which does not include any illustrations. Star Catalogue The book includes a comprehensive catalogue of the individual stars, modified and extended from that of the Almagest, and including revised star magnitude values.](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_525d4a060b594a14814000c9e87ceb0c~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_140,h_207,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_525d4a060b594a14814000c9e87ceb0c~mv2.jpg)
![Historical Context The treatise was written in the Persian city of Shiraz, for the patron and Buyid emir ‘Abud al-Dawla. Although al-Sufi made his longitudinal calculations correct for the year 964 only, the work remained highly influential, functioning as the standard text on Arabic astronomy to be consulted in all Islamic territories and faithfully copied for many centuries after its production. Since it was only correct for the single year of 964, the Book of Fixed Stars was intended to serve a broader educational purpose, rather than being concerned with the mathematical technicalities of astronomy. The Book of Fixed Stars is representative of the concerns of Islamic scholars during the late-9th to 11th Centuries AD, where following the translation of Hellenistic texts from Greek to Arabic, “Islamic astronomers and astrologers concentrated on analyzing, criticizing, and perfecting the geometrical models of Ptolemy.” Medieval Islamic astronomers also drew from Sanskrit and Middle Persian sources to learn "methods for calculating the position of heavenly bodies, and for creating tables recording the movement of the sun, the moon, and the five known planets." In the context of this shift to observational and theoretical astronomy set in motion by the translation movement, and with al-Sufi himself being an observational astronomer, the Book of Fixed Stars comprises an important organisation and revision of classical knowledge from antiquity (the first of its kind), and some of the earliest surviving examples of visual documentation of celestial bodies observable by the naked eye. The interest in cataloging the stars also stems from the nature of worship in Islam. The religion requires that its members are able to locate Mecca so that they may pray in the right direction, and to also be able to determine the correct times for prayer. In addition to the daily requirements, during the festival of Ramadan they must also know the moments of sunrise and sunset for fasting, and the fixed location of the moon for the start of each new month. The Book of Fixed stars also marks a trend of an increased production of illustrated manuscripts, as it is one of the oldest surviving treatise of its kind. This is not to say that this text was the first illustrated manuscript ever created, as there are many illustrated fragments that have been found and studied, most notably the Fustat fragments. The Fustat Fragaments are illustrated scraps of parchment that were found during excavations in Fustat, or Old Cairo. These fragments can be attributed to the stylings of the Fatimid period (969-1171), therefore dating the existence of astronomical illustrations to many years before the creation of The Book of Fixed Stars. The increase in illustrated manuscripts is also related to the advent of paper in the Islamic world in the tenth century. The increased availability of this material, which was much cheaper than the previously used parchment, drove the production of books in the Islamic world. Contents The book was thoroughly illustrated along with observations and descriptions of the stars, their positions (copied from Ptolemy's Almagest with the longitudes increased by 12° 42' to account for the precession), their magnitudes (brightness) and their color. Notably, al-Sufi improved upon Ptolemy's system for measuring star brightness. Instead of two brightness categories (‘more bright’ and ‘less bright’), al-Sufi employed three: AṢghareh (‘less’), Akbareh (‘greater’), and A’ẓameh (‘much-greater’). Ihsan Hafez has recorded 132 stars in al-Sufi's work not mentioned by Ptolemy. Al-Sufi's results, as in Ptolemy's Almagest, were set out constellation by constellation. For each constellation, he provided two drawings, one from the outside of a celestial globe, and the other from the inside. Al-Sufi's reasoning for this was that ‘the beholder might be confused if he saw the figure on the globe differing from what he sees in the sky’, demonstrating the book's use as a teaching device.[14] Persis Berkelamp argues that each paired constellation was drawn slightly differently to encourage students to study the manuscript closely. Introduction In his introduction, al-Sufi dedicates the work to his patron 'Abud al-Dawla and outlines the sources he has used to write the book. These sources, including a number of treatises and objects which are now lost, serve as important indicators and records of the knowledge ('ilm) production at the time. For instance, the introduction lists the names of 3 authors (Ibn Kunasa, Ibn al-'Arabi, Abu Hanifa al-Dinawari) and their treatises concerning pre-Islamic Bedouin traditions, all of which are now lost. Chapters The Book of Fixed Stars follows the 48 Ptolemaic constellations described in the Almagest, with a chapter dedicated to each individual constellation. Each chapter is split into 4 subsections. Ptolemaic constellations Each chapter begins with a description of the specified constellation and the stars that make up each grouping, thus departing from the Almagest and its concern for describing the iconographical origins of each constellation outline in Greek mythology.[17] Here, al-Sufi is often critical of Ptolemy for seemingly prioritising the constellation outline over the actual stars in a constellation grouping, with some stars being overlooked. In making these revisions, al-Sufi was able to determine the boundaries for each constellation's star grouping. Indigenous Arabic constellations Al-Sufi continues his description of the specified constellation in terms of the Pre-Islamic Bedouin constellations and star groupings, noting their positions and distance to the Ptolemaic constellation stars. Illustrations In this section, al-Sufi presents 2 different views/illustrations of the specified Ptolemaic constellations: the constellation viewed in the sky from the ground and the constellation as viewed on top of a globe. The latter view can be explained by accounts of al-Sufi's drawing process, whereby the author carefully fitted a thin sheet of paper on top of a celestial globe and then directly copied the constellation outlines and star positions from the engravings.[22][23] The inclusion of this globe view of each constellation also suggests that the Books of Fixed Stars was intended to be used by owners of celestial globes, and many surviving globes from the 13th and 14th Centuries include statements attesting to the treatise as an influential source. Although al-Sufi names several sources in his introduction which contributed to the book's illustrations, none of these treatises nor celestial globes survive. These illustrations represent another important departure from the Almagest which does not include any illustrations. Star Catalogue The book includes a comprehensive catalogue of the individual stars, modified and extended from that of the Almagest, and including revised star magnitude values.](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_36818a7c85a34d43aa9b11d16e30eb70~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_142,h_207,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_36818a7c85a34d43aa9b11d16e30eb70~mv2.jpg)
![Historical Context The treatise was written in the Persian city of Shiraz, for the patron and Buyid emir ‘Abud al-Dawla. Although al-Sufi made his longitudinal calculations correct for the year 964 only, the work remained highly influential, functioning as the standard text on Arabic astronomy to be consulted in all Islamic territories and faithfully copied for many centuries after its production. Since it was only correct for the single year of 964, the Book of Fixed Stars was intended to serve a broader educational purpose, rather than being concerned with the mathematical technicalities of astronomy. The Book of Fixed Stars is representative of the concerns of Islamic scholars during the late-9th to 11th Centuries AD, where following the translation of Hellenistic texts from Greek to Arabic, “Islamic astronomers and astrologers concentrated on analyzing, criticizing, and perfecting the geometrical models of Ptolemy.” Medieval Islamic astronomers also drew from Sanskrit and Middle Persian sources to learn "methods for calculating the position of heavenly bodies, and for creating tables recording the movement of the sun, the moon, and the five known planets." In the context of this shift to observational and theoretical astronomy set in motion by the translation movement, and with al-Sufi himself being an observational astronomer, the Book of Fixed Stars comprises an important organisation and revision of classical knowledge from antiquity (the first of its kind), and some of the earliest surviving examples of visual documentation of celestial bodies observable by the naked eye. The interest in cataloging the stars also stems from the nature of worship in Islam. The religion requires that its members are able to locate Mecca so that they may pray in the right direction, and to also be able to determine the correct times for prayer. In addition to the daily requirements, during the festival of Ramadan they must also know the moments of sunrise and sunset for fasting, and the fixed location of the moon for the start of each new month. The Book of Fixed stars also marks a trend of an increased production of illustrated manuscripts, as it is one of the oldest surviving treatise of its kind. This is not to say that this text was the first illustrated manuscript ever created, as there are many illustrated fragments that have been found and studied, most notably the Fustat fragments. The Fustat Fragaments are illustrated scraps of parchment that were found during excavations in Fustat, or Old Cairo. These fragments can be attributed to the stylings of the Fatimid period (969-1171), therefore dating the existence of astronomical illustrations to many years before the creation of The Book of Fixed Stars. The increase in illustrated manuscripts is also related to the advent of paper in the Islamic world in the tenth century. The increased availability of this material, which was much cheaper than the previously used parchment, drove the production of books in the Islamic world. Contents The book was thoroughly illustrated along with observations and descriptions of the stars, their positions (copied from Ptolemy's Almagest with the longitudes increased by 12° 42' to account for the precession), their magnitudes (brightness) and their color. Notably, al-Sufi improved upon Ptolemy's system for measuring star brightness. Instead of two brightness categories (‘more bright’ and ‘less bright’), al-Sufi employed three: AṢghareh (‘less’), Akbareh (‘greater’), and A’ẓameh (‘much-greater’). Ihsan Hafez has recorded 132 stars in al-Sufi's work not mentioned by Ptolemy. Al-Sufi's results, as in Ptolemy's Almagest, were set out constellation by constellation. For each constellation, he provided two drawings, one from the outside of a celestial globe, and the other from the inside. Al-Sufi's reasoning for this was that ‘the beholder might be confused if he saw the figure on the globe differing from what he sees in the sky’, demonstrating the book's use as a teaching device.[14] Persis Berkelamp argues that each paired constellation was drawn slightly differently to encourage students to study the manuscript closely. Introduction In his introduction, al-Sufi dedicates the work to his patron 'Abud al-Dawla and outlines the sources he has used to write the book. These sources, including a number of treatises and objects which are now lost, serve as important indicators and records of the knowledge ('ilm) production at the time. For instance, the introduction lists the names of 3 authors (Ibn Kunasa, Ibn al-'Arabi, Abu Hanifa al-Dinawari) and their treatises concerning pre-Islamic Bedouin traditions, all of which are now lost. Chapters The Book of Fixed Stars follows the 48 Ptolemaic constellations described in the Almagest, with a chapter dedicated to each individual constellation. Each chapter is split into 4 subsections. Ptolemaic constellations Each chapter begins with a description of the specified constellation and the stars that make up each grouping, thus departing from the Almagest and its concern for describing the iconographical origins of each constellation outline in Greek mythology.[17] Here, al-Sufi is often critical of Ptolemy for seemingly prioritising the constellation outline over the actual stars in a constellation grouping, with some stars being overlooked. In making these revisions, al-Sufi was able to determine the boundaries for each constellation's star grouping. Indigenous Arabic constellations Al-Sufi continues his description of the specified constellation in terms of the Pre-Islamic Bedouin constellations and star groupings, noting their positions and distance to the Ptolemaic constellation stars. Illustrations In this section, al-Sufi presents 2 different views/illustrations of the specified Ptolemaic constellations: the constellation viewed in the sky from the ground and the constellation as viewed on top of a globe. The latter view can be explained by accounts of al-Sufi's drawing process, whereby the author carefully fitted a thin sheet of paper on top of a celestial globe and then directly copied the constellation outlines and star positions from the engravings.[22][23] The inclusion of this globe view of each constellation also suggests that the Books of Fixed Stars was intended to be used by owners of celestial globes, and many surviving globes from the 13th and 14th Centuries include statements attesting to the treatise as an influential source. Although al-Sufi names several sources in his introduction which contributed to the book's illustrations, none of these treatises nor celestial globes survive. These illustrations represent another important departure from the Almagest which does not include any illustrations. Star Catalogue The book includes a comprehensive catalogue of the individual stars, modified and extended from that of the Almagest, and including revised star magnitude values.](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_867d7f2d283c4bec88207b001b69ff75~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_158,h_207,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_867d7f2d283c4bec88207b001b69ff75~mv2.jpg)
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![Subject Headings - Shāh-i Zindah--Uzbekistan--Samarqand--1860-1880 - Tombs & sepulchral monuments--Uzbekistan--Samarqand--1860-1880 - Architectural decorations & ornaments--Uzbekistan--Samarqand--1860-1880 Headings Drawings--Color--1860-1880. Notes - Illus. in: Turkestanskīi al'bom, chast' arkheologicheskaia ..., 1871-1872, part 1, vol. 1, pl. 67. - Title from item. Medium 1 drawing : watercolor. Call Number/Physical Location Illus. in DK854.T87 1872, part 1, vol. 1, pl. 67, no. 166 (Case Z) [P&P] Repository Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print Digital Id ppmsca 13863 //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/ppmsca.13863 Library of Congress Control Number 2008676178 Reproduction Number LC-DIG-ppmsca-13863 (digital file from original photo) Rights Advisory No known restrictions on publication. Online Format image LCCN Permalink https://lccn.loc.gov/2008676178 Additional Metadata Formats MARCXML Record MODS Record Dublin Core Record](https://static.wixstatic.com/media/95504a_c881c52f2a8b469da5540b6e199fbdef~mv2.jpg/v1/fill/w_181,h_143,al_c,q_80,usm_0.66_1.00_0.01,enc_avif,quality_auto/95504a_c881c52f2a8b469da5540b6e199fbdef~mv2.jpg)
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Daria-i-Noor (Sea of Light)
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The Mughal Images immediately took a much greater interest in realistic portraiture than was typical of Persian miniatures. Animals and plants were the main subject of many miniatures for albums and were more realistically depicted. To upload your images click here.
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